DRC: The humanitarian action in Ituri could be endangered by the confusion over mandates

The exactions victimizing the humanitarian organizations in the Northeast of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) could result in serious disruption of the relief operations. The district of Ituri has witnessed a worrying and continuous increase of activity from different armed groups for several weeks now.
A degradation of the security situation.

Due to the insecurity, humanitarian actors have been strongly advised to avoid the northern axes of Bunia. Already, two international NGO's have suspended their activities following violent attacks by militia on the roads to the North and South of Bunia, the main district town. For others, harassment from armed men has directly affected the progress of their program.

Some of the organizations have similarly been subjected to the temporary confiscation of their vehicles, refused access to the vulnerable people or the pillaging of the humanitarian aid. Evaluation and assistance missions have been cancelled. A growing number of exactions are also being committed against the local NGO's and their personnel

A dangerous extension of the humanitarian mandate

If acts of bandits are carried out indifferently against civilians, tradesmen and the international and local NGO's, there are other reprehensible acts that are aimed specifically against the MONUC (Mission d'Observation des Nations Unies en RDC), its local personnel or the local humanitarian workers involved in the implementation of the Disarmament and Community Reintegration plan (DCR).

The disarmament or integration of armed group elements in the army is paramount to a return to a peaceful situation in Ituri.

However, the DCR plan does not seem to have the assent of all armed groups and this rejection could explain in part the increase of security incidents.

This project envisages the disarmament of the armed groups in Ituri and their reintegration into society. Contrary to the National Plan of Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration (NPDDR), the reintegration of the militia into the reunified army was not foreseen. The absence of this clause could be explained by the fact that these armed groups did not take part in the agreements that took place in Sun City in December 2002.

To date, 651 militias on the 9000 planned, have chosen to submit to the DCR plan. Many others prefer to wait for the Presidential decree authorizing the army integration of five officers and 50 men from each militia group. Others still, dissatisfied, are showing their disapproval with violence. The number of integrated militia proposed by the Transitional Government seems negligible in comparison to the numbers of active members claimed by the armed groups, despite a probable overestimation. The FNI are said to be 20,000 men strong; the UPC: 8,000; the FAPC: 6,000 and the PUSIC: 5, 000, according to their own sources.

This dissension about the DCR is also fostering a climate of terror. Shooting between the militia and MONUC is becoming a common event. The fighters who do want to disarm are being killed or molested if they attempt to go to the transit sites. The local humanitarian personnel working in the sites are also accused of treason and are being threatened.

The events that took place last week in Nizi are an illustration of this. The confrontations there between the UPC and MONUC near the transit site traumatized the local humanitarian personnel who work there. Some of them have been evacuated to Bunia.

Distorted humanitarian identity

Bearing in mind, the security risks the participation of a humanitarian organization in a project that involves armed men has to be questioned.

The fundamental distinction between a fighter and a civilian, which is a defining point for the field of action of humanitarian organizations, as are the principles of independence, impartiality and neutrality, have been clearly stated by the humanitarian community at the end of last year¹. To the contrary, the outcome of a situation such as in Nizi runs the risk of being the complete opposite of what was hoped to be achieved.

Taking into account the above distinction, no humanitarian intervention should therefore be implemented within DDR or DCR plans until the phase of reintegration is reached, in conformity with humanitarian principles.

Additionally, humanitarian participation in a project that defends political interests, honorable as it may be, is often in contradiction with the independence of the humanitarian organizations. Above all, this deviation from their mandate entertains confusion and creates a dangerous amalgam between military operations and humanitarian action. The attacks against MONUC could affect the relief organizations, as was the case throughout the national territory during the events in Bukavu in the month of June.

Ituri is experiencing a renewed cycle of violence in the middle of which caught civilian populations and those who are attempting to support them. The continuation of assistance to the most vulnerable people affected by conflicts will depend on the capacity of the humanitarian actors to maintain their presence in that area.

Active advocacy to reaffirm the humanitarian identity must be pursued with the armed group leaders. These campaigns, lead by humanitarians, will allow them to recover their freedom of movement and the safety necessary for their operations to be carried out. Consequently, a specific explanation of the humanitarian mandate will contribute to avoiding confusion, consequences of which would be very dramatic.

Footnote:

¹ See paper on "Links between strategy of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) and the Common Plan of Humanitarian Action in the Democratic Republic of Congo"