Statement by the ASG for Humanitarian Affairs and DERC, Ms. McAskie, at the open meeting of the UN SC on national reconciliation in post-conflict situations: Role of the UN

Madame President, distinguished Members of the Council,
On behalf of my colleagues in the humanitarian community, I thank you for giving me this opportunity to address the Council in open session. National reconciliation in postconflict situations is a complex issue that needs to be addressed comprehensively, taking into account a wide range of issues and perspectives. It is for this reason that I am pleased to be able to put before you some humanitarian perspectives on post-conflict reconciliation.

Madame President, why is post-conflict reconciliation of concern to the humanitarian community? The simple answer is that it is an issue upon which our humanitarian work can have a significant impact, and, conversely, it is an issue that can have a direct and significant impact on our humanitarian work. I will touch on some issues already raised by previous speakers, but from the point of view of the humanitarian consequences and context.

Post-conflict reconciliation is not an event, it is a process. It can begin, and should be nurtured, in the immediate humanitarian response phase of a conflict, and can be informed by the neutrality and impartiality that humanitarians bring with them. Their message is one of putting the individual - woman, man and child at the centre of what the United Nations is there to do.

When we hear the phrase "post-conflict reconciliation" we first think of formal reconciliation processes, such as truth and reconciliation commissions, and their role relative to criminal justice processes. These formal processes are undeniably critical to national reconciliation and sustainable peace. But some of the most powerful forms of reconciliation in terms of restoring the social fabric and regaining national unity will be found in every day life - children of different ethnic groups sitting together at school, or neighbours working together to re-build the village health clinic despite the fact that they might have been on opposite sides during the conflict. Indeed, formal reconciliation processes and these grassroots forms of reconciliation must be seen as complementary and mutually reinforcing. One can grow and evolve from the other.

In the same way, we cannot afford to focus exclusively on political developments and peace processes in countries that are in transition from conflict to peace. The broader humanitarian concerns must be addressed properly, and we must ensure that the international humanitarian response supports - and does not undermine - efforts to foster national reconciliation and the consolidation of peace. Getting humanitarian assistance right is an important building block for post-conflict reconciliation.

The starting point must be to ensure that adequate levels of humanitarian assistance are available in the most critical situations. The inability to ensure even minimal levels of assistance in immediate post-conflict situations will only serve to increase tensions and foster grievances, thereby undermining efforts at reconciliation. If we are not there to provide this assistance, the people remain at the mercy of warlords for their basic survival. Sadly, it is in the "forgotten" emergencies that the risks are greatest. The serious lack of attention and material support to countries such as the Republic of the Congo have consistently undermined local and national efforts at reconciliation.

The humanitarian assistance itself must be provided equitably and efficiently, on the basis of demonstrable need. This fundamental humanitarian principle can frequently be the most challenging, particularly in situations where we are denied access or where factions seek to manipulate and misuse humanitarian assistance to their own ends. We saw a very blatant example of this in the DRC, where a faction in Goma sought protection from MONUC when they themselves were perpetrating human rights abuses.

The legitimacy of a faction's engagement in peace processes should be based on their commitment to unhindered humanitarian access. The humanitarian community must also ensure that it works with people and communities that are the victims of conflict, rather than acting on their behalf. Humanitarian assistance needs to be seen as an investment that enables people to rebuild their lives and sustains the very fabric of society that will be essential to peace and reconciliation processes.

A principled and strategic approach to humanitarian assistance is therefore required so as to ensure that it is delivered in a way that does not perpetuate grievance or hamper longer-term societal and institutional development, the restoration of livelihoods and the strengthening of state legitimacy. The responsibility for this lies as much with donor countries and the international community as with humanitarian agencies. Post-conflict situations exemplify the importance of ensuring that adequate funding is provided not only for life-sustaining humanitarian assistance, but also for other programmes that will impact significantly on national reconciliation. Effective peace and reconciliation processes require effective social and administrative structures. It is important, therefore, that schools and their teachers, health centres and their workers, local administrative offices, and local welfare and community structures are not neglected by the international humanitarian community, but that every effort is made to engage and sustain them through times of conflict. Rapid and effective responses to key transition needs are critical to national reconciliation efforts. If people are denied the fruits of peace - such as shelter, education, health care and employment - national reconciliation will be much harder to achieve.

Our experience with the Consolidated Appeals Process (CAPs), however, reveals that while donor countries are willing to support initiatives that address immediate humanitarian needs, the longer-term or medium-term tools of reconciliation, such as education, health care and DDRR programmes, are often under-funded. This can serve to undermine post-conflict reconciliation in a number of ways. Inadequate resources for education programmes can result, for example, in generations denied access to education and left with poor prospects for the future, thus perpetuating the social divisions at the root of the conflict. Burundi provides an unfortunate salutary case in point.

I believe that there is considerable scope, Madame President, to look further into ways to channel reconciliation efforts into the programmatic work of agencies, bearing in mind that the impartiality and neutrality of humanitarians provides us with a unique base from which to play an important bridging role. UNICEF, UNHCR, WFP and other humanitarian agencies already play this role in their every day work.

The impact of reconciliation on the work of humanitarian agencies is the other side of the coin. A fundamental concern to humanitarians in post-conflict situations is the risk of a return to armed conflict if peace processes and reconciliation measures fail. The need for massive humanitarian assistance will remain if reconciliation issues are not handled effectively and swiftly. It is therefore critical to ensure that reconciliation measures do not inadvertently exacerbate tensions and encourage a return to conflict. This could happen, for example, through inconsistent application of measures related to justice and impunity, property restitution and reintegration. These are problems that have plagued peace processes in various countries, and once again I would use Burundi as an example. Indeed, "consistency" must be seen as one of the cornerstones of reconciliation in postconflict situations. Humanitarian aid must be consistently and equitably provided; legal and judicial mechanisms, international humanitarian law, property restitution, reintegration, reparations... all must be consistently applied if reconciliation is to have a solid base.

Root causes/addressing social inequity

Effective post-conflict reconciliation requires us to address not only institution-building, but also the root causes of the crisis. At the root of most conflicts are issues of poverty, corruption, deliberate manipulation of minority groups and social inequity and exclusion - with certain elements of society denied access to political and social processes, property and education. We must ensure that we do not perpetuate socially divisive institutions that leave no scope for reconciliation, either by inadequately funding and implementing humanitarian assistance or through the manner of our engagement in local capacity building.

As you know, Madame President, humanitarians are often present in conflict situations when no one else is. It is our experience that in countries recovering from conflict, peace and national reconciliation ultimately depend on attitudinal and behavioural changes within society. This is particularly the case where society has become polarized. Far too often, peace processes are seen as the prerogative of combatant forces, but lasting peace and national reconciliation will depend on developing a social climate that seeks to sustain peace. All sectors and elements of society - not just fighting forces - need to be brought together to this end. The earliest possible involvement in reconciliation efforts of local community leaders - representing the range of interests and perspectives within the society - is critical. Also critical is the role of civil society organisations, which provide important channels to understanding the key concerns of various sectors of the society and can help to build bridges between divided and disaffected communities.

Post-conflict situations also provide an opportunity to recognise and promote the important role of women in reconciliation efforts, as well as to address the gender inequality that prevails in many societies. Women's lack of equality in Africa, for example, is too often their death sentence, as they are forced to adopt survival strategies that increase their risk of contracting HIV. Women are also central to the response to HIV/AIDS and to other aspects of emergencies, but entrenched gender hierarchies all too often hinder an appropriate response. If we are serious about reversing this situation, we must return to women control over their livelihoods and their bodies, and we must bring their needs and concerns into humanitarian planning and post-conflict response at the strategic level.

Key areas of concern for humanitarians

Madame President, before closing I would like to touch briefly on some key issues of concern for humanitarians as they relate to reconciliation in post-conflict situations.

(i) Reintegration of refugees/returnees

Foremost among the humanitarian concerns are issues surrounding the return and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons into their communities. When members of ethnic minorities choose to return to communities that are still fragile as they emerge from conflict, there is no more important role for the humanitarian community than ensuring that they are safe, protected and assisted to remain in their homes.

Over the last ten years there have been successful and well-targetted humanitarian and recovery programmes to foster the commitment to reconciliation in practical ways. I think here, for example, of UNHCR's Rwandan and Bosnian Women's Initiatives, where women from across ethnic and party lines were offered the opportunity for vocational training and micro-credit funding, to collectively begin the process of recovery and reconciliation themselves. We also have positive, practical lessons to learn from the reintegration of displaced persons in East Timor, where "reception ceremonies" based on traditional practices were held to foster their acceptance into their communities. In Angola, the regulamentos have proved an important tool for the restoration of property rights to the former internally displaced.

(ii) DDRR/Small Arms

Similarly, effective disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration and rehabilitation can provide vital support to national reconciliation efforts. The culture of youth violence witnessed in the Mano River Basin and Cote d'Ivoire, for example, will continue to impede reconciliation efforts unless well-designed and well-resourced regional DDRR programmes are introduced to address the particular needs of young people brutalized by war and who are now left with no means of survival but the gun. In line with the mutually-reinforcing nature of these issues, DDRR initiatives depend on reconciliation efforts for their success because the reintegration of combatants is critically dependant on societies' ability to accept them back into the community.

(iii) Sexual and gender-based violence

The recognition of rape and other forms of sexual violence as weapons of war raises particularly difficult issues of reconciliation. Only now is the extent of the deliberate broad-based attacks on women and girls being acknowledged. Beyond the devastating physical, psychological, emotional and social trauma suffered by the women and children who are brutally attacked, these egregious crimes undermine cultural values and community relationships and can destroy the very ties that bind society together. I mentioned already a particularly horrifying consequence with which many are faced - the spectre of HIV/AIDS. Helping the survivors of sexual violence - and their communities - to heal requires a concerted response by the humanitarian community. Humanitarian programmes that provide health, medical, nutritional and psychosocial support, trauma counselling, education and advocacy therefore become vital to reconciliation efforts. Given cultural and social sensitivities, it is especially important that this work be carried out through local NGOs and women's initiatives, but with the full support of the political process and not as a separate process.

(iv) Impunity/Justice

Madame President, one of the most disturbing aspects of the widespread sexual and other violence that is perpetrated against innocent civilians in armed conflict is the fact that these crimes are committed in a climate of impunity. In post-conflict situations, reconciliation must be tempered with a clear commitment to ending impunity for serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. Effective conflict resolution - and longer-term national reconciliation - depends on processes of reconciliation and justice.

Indeed, as my colleague Mr Kalomoh pointed out, justice and reconciliation must be seen as complementary - rather than contradictory - approaches. Both are vital to effective reconciliation in the broader sense. While amnesties provide an important measure for dealing with lower-level perpetrators, they must never be granted for serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. Some argue that focussing on punishment for past atrocities can destabilize post-conflict situations and undermine national reconciliation. Impunity, however, can be an even more dangerous recipe for liding back into conflict.

Madame President, we cannot expect reconciliation to be an easy or straightforward process. In many post-conflict countries, the brutal memories of past abuses take years to heal. Indeed, one of the most difficult challenges of reconciliation in post-conflict situations is how to focus on the future without ignoring the past.

It has long been clear that humanitarian assistance alone will not provide a solution to crises. Unless proper and timely attention is paid to reconciliation, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development, countries will slip back into the horrors of war, and the efforts of the humanitarian community - often at great peril for humanitarian workers - will be lost. As we know, 65% of countries emerging from conflict in Africa are slipping back into violence, and we cannot afford to be complacent on this front. It is therefore vital to have an effective broad-based international support strategy to ensure that humanitarian activities are reinforced by corresponding reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts. We must also recognise within that, however, that each country needs to find its own path to reconciliation. Humanitarian actors are in a position to begin this process, and their role must be recognized within that international strategy.

Thank you, Madame President.